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September 2005
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Subject: ACADEMY: William Salmon
From: Jean-Yves Artero
Date: 1 Sep 2005

Dear Academy,

A bit more about William Salmon. Here is a possible
source of information, which is dealing with his
'Synopsis medicinae' (second edition (first 1671). This
edition was re-issued in 1685 and there were further
editions in 1695 and 1699):

http://www.rogergaskell.com/catdocs/15289.htm

"This massive compendium was Salmon's first medical
work, compiled while he was in practice in London near
the Smithfield gate of St Bartholomew's Hospital. By
the time this edition came out, he was at the Red
Balls tavern in Salisbury Court, off Fleet Street,
from where he signed the 'Postcript' at the front of
the book, dated 7 June 1681. This is followed by a
catalogue of medicines with prices, a full table of
contents and extensive index.
"The engraved portrait and engraved title are both very
fine, and make an extraordinarily rich double page
spread. The portrait is by Leonard Burford or Burnford
(active 16811715, see Brunet), and shows the author
within an oval frame decorated with olive branches.
"Contemporaries claimed that as a boy Salmon was
apprenticed to a mountebank, whom he served as a clown
and conjurer to amuse his masters audience, as well as
making speeches, writing almanacs and directing
medication. He seems to have learnt his craft while
accompanying his master on his travels in New England
and other places.
"Salmon's books were mostly compiled from the books in
his own large library. He also had a cabinet of
curiosities, including items brought back from the
West Indies, several Dutch paintings, two microscopes
and many other instruments."

Literature: W. J. Bishop, 'Le docteur William Salmon
(16441713) et sa bibliothèque', Librorum, 1 (1959)
7983."

Jean-Yves Artero

Subject: ACADEMY: William Salmon
From: José Rodríguez Guerrero
Date: 2 Sep 2005

Concerning alchemical books usually ascribed to William Salmon,
I would like to note that Bibliotheque des Philosophes Chimiques
(1672-1678) was a collectanea made by 'Nicolas Salomon, médicin
poitevin'. There is an excellent article on this question:

J-M. MANDOSIO, (2000-2003), "Nicolas Salomon et sa Bibliothèque
des philosophes [chymiques] (1672-1678)",
in: Chrysopoeia, VII, pp. 343-378.

Regards,

José Rodríguez Guerrero

Date: 1 Sep 2005
From: Hereward Tilton
Date: 2 Sep 2005

Dear Academy,

One thing I find interesting about the Book of Lambspring is the son's
ascent to heaven with the 'guide' to view the throne of God (emblem 11).

Does anyone know of other instances of this type of heavenly ascent
symbolism in alchemical texts?

It reminds me of the Enochian or even the Hekhalot literature, and
makes me wonder if there is some direct Jewish influence at work here.

Hereward Tilton

Date: 1 Sep 2005
Subject: ACADEMY: Heavenly ascent in alchemical literature
From: Elizabeth O'Mahoney
Date: 2 Sep 2005

Hi Hereward,

I realise this is not exactly what you are after, but there is a unique
alchemical genre painting by Thomas Wijck (various spellings)
which may be of interest.

It is reproduced in black and white on p.162 of 'Collect Opinions- Essays on
Netherlandish Art' (London, 2004) in a chapter by Jane Russell Corbett
entitled "Seeing Things: 'The Alchemist and Death' by Thomas Wyck". The
painting (Thomas Wyck 'The Alchemist and Death', Oil on panel, 55 x 49 cm,
Milwaukee, Wisconsin, collection of Drs Alfred and Isabel Bader C17th)
shows a fairly typical Wijck interior (Italianate - scholar at desk near window -
distillations bubbling nearby) but it appears as though the heavens are
breaking through the ceiling. In addition, there is a skeletal figure with
a long thin trumpet (probably Death) and a young boy on the floor surrounded
by (witchcraft?) paraphernalia. Russell also interprets the surprised
alchemist as a boy (which I'm not sure about). A depiction of heavenly
ascent in this painting isn't out of the question, I don't think.

Probably not of great use to you, but its a very unusual painting and worth
a look sometime anyway!

Liz O'Mahoney

Subject: ACADEMY: Heavenly ascent in alchemical literature
From: Adam McLean
Date: 3 Sep 2005

Dear Hereward Tilton,

I wonder if we need to look to obscure Jewish philosophy for
the idea of viewing the Throne of God. This was, surely, part of the
Christian mindset of the time. We need only recall Durer's woodcuts
for the Apocalypse which were very influential on 16th and 17th
century emblematists. Also, Mathieu Merian, the engraver of the
Lambspring images, was a jobbing engraver and made many
illlustrations for printed works of the period. I seem to remember
some engravings by him on biblical themes including that
of viewing heaven.

So I am not sure we need to look to Hekhalot mysticism as the
source for such ideas.

It seems to me that the idea of ascent in alchemy often derives more
from parallels drawn with physical experimentation. The
rising and falling of liquids in the flask, as in the 'Crowning of Nature'
series. The 'Crowning of Nature' has associations with ten hierarchies
of angels, but it would surely lead us far astray to see this as a
reference to Jewish angel magic. I suspect much the same sort of thing
applies to the Lambspring.

Adam McLean

Subject: ACADEMY: Lambsprinck
From: José Rodríguez Guerrero
Date: 3 Sep 2005

>was interested in getting to the bottom of this
>"Lord of the Forests" appellation
>which we find applied by Hermes to
>the Tincture in the 9th verse of the
>English edition on Adam's website.
>Why should the Tincture be compared to a forester?

Dear Hereward Tilton,

I think Lambsprink could have compared the tincture to a forester if he
thought metals and minerals were common trees. I have found an
interesting phrase attributed to Hermes while I was reading Senior's
Tabula chemica (1566, ff. 75-76). The philosophers stone appears
as the most perfect tree:

"Lapis igitus sapietum in ipso, et ex ipso perficitur radix, et rami,
et folia, et fores, et fructus. Est enim sucit arbor, cuius rami, et folia,
et flores, et fructus sunt ex ea, et per eam, et ad eam, et ipse est
totum et ex ipso est totum".

It is not exactly a forrest but there are other references in the 16th
century texts. The seven metals appears as seven trees (a little forrest)
in the Janus Lacinio's introductory commentary to the Pretiosa
margarita novella. At the same time, the mineral kingdom appears
as a great tree in the Genealogia mineralium ex paracelso edited
by Gerard Dorn (Congeries Paracelsicae, 1659, I, 571-574).

> Most of the preceding images deal with beasts in the forest.

If you continue the analogy I think it seem to be elements extracted
from the mineral bodies to prepare the tinture.

Regards,

José Rodríguez Guerrero

Subject: ACADEMY: Heavenly ascent in alchemical literature
From: Hereward Tilton
Date: 3 Sep 2005

Hello Elizabeth,

That sounds like an interesting painting - I wonder if it is an allegory
such as we find from other 17th century Dutch and Flemish painters,
e.g. Hendrick Heerschop or David Rijckaert, in which the dangers
of alchemy are being expressed?

I have a picture here from Rijckaert of an alchemist and his wife
looking in horror at a homunculus in a flask - it's actually just a little
skeleton - and the little boy (the son, I suppose) next to him is looking
rather dejected. The moral being not to waste one's time and money
on so uncertain an enterprise.

Does your picture seem to be negative in this way too? I'd love to see
a scan of it, in any case.

Hereward Tilton

Subject: ACADEMY: New publishing project in Italian
From: Adam McLean
Date: 11 Sep 2005

Multa paucis is a new series of reprints of rare and unpublished works
about magic, kabbala, alchemy, symbols and iconography, dating from
the XVth to the XVIIIth centuries. It was born from the collaboration
of La Finestra Editrice (www.la-finestra.com) with the Biblioteca
Nazionale Centrale of Florence and it is directed by Mino Gabriele.
Each volume of the series will have an introduction written by a specialist
of that subject.
The following works will appear in the year 2005:

Antonio Ricciardi, Commentaria symbolica (Venetiis 1591; 2 vols.
more than 1890 pages; 360.00 €; ISBN 88-88097-10-4).
Ricciardi's work is the most complete and authoritative symbolic lexicon
ever printed, it consists of thousands of headwords which are explained with a
particular attention to alchemy, kabbala, hieroglyphs and to the sacred and
profane magic from antiquity to the renaissance.

Johannes Pistorius, Artis cabbalistica (Basileae 1587, 1 vol. more than
1000 pages; 185.00 €; ISBN 88-88097-97-X)
Pistorius' book is the 'Bible' of the christian cabbala, it puts together the
most importat treatises on the subject of that period.

In the year 2006 will follow:

Francesco Giorgio, De harmonia mundi (Venetiis 1525)
Fabio Paolini, Hebdomades (Venetiis 1589)
Cesare Ripa, Iconologia (Perugia 1764-1767)

Best regards

Marco Albertazzi

Subject: ACADEMY: Call for Papers: Conference on Esotericism, Art, and the Imagination
From: Adam McLean
Date: 12 Sep 2005

Call for Papers: Conference on Esotericism, Art, and the Imagination
The Association for the Study of Esotericism is seeking paper and panel
proposals for its second North American Conference on Esotericism to be held
8-11 June, 2006, at the University of California, Davis. As the title
suggests, we especially seek paper proposals on topics pertinent to Western
esotericism, art and the imagination. However, we are interested in all
aspects of the study of Esotericism, and hope to run sessions including
papers on Magic and Secrecy, Antique, Medieval and Modern Theurgy and
Mysticism, American and European Spiritualism, Folk magical traditions in
North America, Nineteenth and Twentieth century occultism, Gnosticism,
Hermeticism, Alchemy, Astrology, New Religious Movements, Asian
influences on Western traditions, and Esotericism in Cinema, among others.

We welcome scholars from a wide range of perspectives, including
anthropology, American studies, art history, history, history of religions,
literature, philosophy, religious studies, medieval studies, sociologyâ€"the
full range of academic disciplines and fields that bear upon this area of
study. This is an interdisciplinary field of research, and we believe
everyone will benefit from the cross-fertilization of perspectives.

If you wish to submit a paper proposal for review and possible presentation
at the conference, please send it by regular email to conference organizers
at ASEconf2006@yahoo.com

In order to encourage graduate study in the field, again we will offer a
modest prize for the best graduate student paper presented.

No attachments, please: simply copy and paste your abstract into ordinary
email. Please limit abstracts to a paragraph or at most to one single-spaced
page, and indicate your academic affiliation and/or other academic
qualifications. We hope to post a preliminary schedule early in
2006. The deadline for paper proposals is January 15, 2006.

For more information on the ASE and our previous conference in June, 2004,
see our website at http://www.aseweb.org

Subject: ACADEMY: Alchemy and gunpowder
From: Adam McLean
Date: 16 Sep 2005

It is well known that Roger Bacon hid a recipe for gunpowder in his
'Epistola de Secretis Operibus Artis et Naturae'. A contemporary
alchemist, Berthold Schwarz, also a Franciscan friar, is said to have
developed gunpowder technology, though this may be legendary.

The earliest form of gunpowder was a simple mixture of sulphur,
charcoal and saltpetre, ground finely together. I recently found out that
this form of gunpowder "serpentine powder" was quickly abandoned
(after a few centuries) in favour of a new form, "corned gunpowder".
This seems to have been developed in the 15th century and was in
widespread use by the 16th century. This used the same ingredients, in the
same proportions, but it was chemically altered. This was done by making
the serpentine powder into a paste with some wetting agent, water, or
sometimes urine, then drying out the mixture into cakes. These cakes
once dried were powdered down. This altered the substance by making
saltpetre more finely divided and produced a much faster burning powder.

I wonder if this stage of producing "corned gunpowder" was discovered
by some alchemist, just as the earlier crude "serpentine powder" was
thought to have emanated from people involved in alchemy. Is there
any trace of this in the manuscript record?

Adam McLean

Subject: ACADEMY: Alchemy and gunpowder
From: Ahmad Y. al-Hassan
Date: 17 Sep 2005

Dear Adam,

The attribution of a formula for gunpowder to Roger Bacon is shrouded with
doubts among some historians of science. Hime's deciphering of a cryptogram
is not taken seriously. Among those historians are Needham, Partington, Foley
& Perry and Winter. Needham writes:

"Compared with the main authentic works of Roger Bacon, the Epistola is
something of a disappointment. It has been famous for a supposed cryptogram
or cipher from which Hime extorted a formula for gunpowder. But in fact this
lacks all manuscript authority etc."
(Joseph Needham, Science & Civilization in China, Volume V:7,
Military Technology, The Gunpowder Epic, CUP, 1986, pp. 49-50)

The recipe attributed to Roger Bacon was, however, for a non-explosive
low-nitrate gunpowder. According to the dubious deciphering of Hime
the mixture is composed of 7 parts of potassium nitrate, five parts of sulphur
and five for charcoal. In percentages the mixture contains 41.17% potassium
nitrate, 29.41 sulphur and 29.41 charcoal. The correct explosive mixture
should contain 75% potassium nitrate.

In an article published in ICON (The Journal of the International Committee
for the History of Technology) , Vol 9 (2003), I have an article under the title;
"Gunpowder Composition for Rockets and Cannon in Arabic Military Treaties
of the Thirteenth and Fourteenth Centuries". In this article evidence was given
that Hassan al-Rammah, a Syrian military engineer contemporary to Roger
Bacon (they died probably in the same year -1292), gave in his famous treatise
on gunpowder and incendiary weapons several recipes for rockets in which
the percentage of potassium nitrate was 75%. The article gave also extensive
evidence from other Arabic manuscripts to the same effect.

As to corned gunpowder, Bert Hall in his book Weapons and Warfare (John
Hopkins University Press, 1997) gives a quite good account of the corning
process in Renaissance Europe. We have no information yet on the corning
process in other parts of the world.

Ahmad Y. al-Hassan

Subject: ACADEMY: Alchemy and gunpowder
From: Mark Clarke
Date: 17 Sep 2005

>It is well known that Roger Bacon hid a recipe for gunpowder in his
>'Epistola de Secretis Operibus Artis et Naturae'.

Yes, although Lynn Thorndike attempted to debunk this in
Hist. Mag. & Exp. Sci., so perhaps there is room for qualifying
"well known"!

Mark Clarke

Subject: ACADEMY: Alchemy and gunpowder
From: Adam McLean
Date: 17 Sep 2005

I have been taking the article by L. Tenney Davis

'Roger Bacon's gunpowder and his secret wisdom', in
Industrial and Engineering Chemistry 20 (7) Jul 1928, p772-774.

as reasonably authoritative. L. Tenney Davis was a chemist
specialising in explosives using nitrogen compounds and he was
also interested in alchemy, particularly Chinese alchemy (on which
he wrote a number of articles).

In this article he does not merely express his opinion but gives us
a glimpse at the source material so we can see how the
gunpowder interpretation arose. I will quote some of the
relevant material from his article. I would be interested in peoples
views on this account of the Bacon gunpowder enigma.

Here follows part of what Tenney Davis had to say:-

The third account of the Philosophers' Egg contains the following:

Sed tamen salis petrae LVRV VO PO VIR CAN VTRIET sulphuris, et sic facies
tonitruum et coruscationem: sic facies artificium. Videas tamen utrum loquor in
aenigmate, vel secundum veritatem.

But however of saltpeter LVRV VO PO VIR CAN VTRIET of sulfur,
and so you will make thunder and lightning, and so you will make the artifice
(or turn the trick). But you must take note whether I am speaking in an
enigma or according to the truth.

Note - Instead of sic facies artificium, some versions read si scias artificium
if you know the trick. The anagram in some versions appears to have been
corrupted and reads LVRV MOPE CAN UBRE or LVRA NOPE CUM UBRE,
and makes carbonum pulvere (powdered charcoal) an obvious and easy solution.
The more difficult anagram quoted above is generally accepted as authentic.

Saltpeter and sulfur are now plainly mentioned. The unintelligible letters evidently
conceal the third ingredient and perhaps the proportion in which the several
ingredients ought to be taken. The Englishman, Lieutenant-Colonel Hime, has
rearranged the letters and offered a solution of the anagram [ J. Roy, Artillery,
July, 1911, also the chapter, "Roger Bacon and Gunpowder," in the volume,
"Roger Bacon Commemoration Essays," edited by Little, Oxford, 1914.]

R. VII. PART. V. NOV. CORVL. V. ET

The R stands for the imperative, recipe, take, and is the same as the Rx of a
physician's prescription. PART, NOV, and CORVL are roots without case endings
and represent a method of abbreviation which was common among the Latins.
The passage now reads,

"But however, of saltpeter take seven parts, of new (or young) willow (charcoal)
five, and five of sulfur, and so you will make thunder and lightning," etc.

Hime's solution of the anagram seems plausible enough. Yet it is apparent
that alternative solutions are possible. The position of the VII could be
exchanged with that of either of the V's to make the formula call for five parts of
saltpeter for seven of one of the other ingredients, the two Fs could be distributed
and the formula would then require six parts of two of the ingredients and five of
the other, or the I's could be placed after NOV and CORVL, respectively, which
would make the formula demand equal amounts of all three substances.
The criterion for determining a choice between the several alternatives, though
overlooked by Hime, is to be found in the letter itself. In addition to the anagram,
Bacon set forth the composition of his mixture in an enigma by which the
solution of the anagram may be tested.
A few lines above the anagram the following passage occurs:

Accipiatis igitur de ossibus Adae, & de calce sub eodem pondere, & sunt sex ad
lapidem petralem (in some versions this reads ad lapidem Tagi, but in either case
saltpeter is signified. All versions agree on the six-five ratio.), & - quinque ad lapidem
unionis, & terantur simul cum aqua vitae***; deinde ponatur in eadem aqua loco
humido, aut suspendatur in vapore aquarum valde calidarum, & liquidarum; deinde
congelatur ad Solem.

Take then of the bones of Adam and of the Calx, the same weight of each; and
there are six of the Petral Stone and five of the Stone of Union. Let them be ground
up together with aqua vitae***. Then it is placed in the same water in a moist place
or suspended in the vapor of hot water or some other liquid, and finally it is congealed
in the sun.

The bones of Adam are evidently charcoal, the surviving part of once living matter,
and the Calx is perhaps sulfur, But the significance of the latter term is unimportant,
for the enigma says in any case that equal parts of charcoal and of one of the other
ingredients are to be taken. It is stated further that six parts of saltpeter are to be
taken for every five of the Stone of Union. The precise nature of the Stone of Union
is not a matter of consequence; it is enough to know that it is one of the ingredients
not saltpeter. Since the composition contains three ingredients, the solution of the
enigma is easy six parts of saltpeter, five of charcoal, and five of sulfur. The correct
solution of the anagram then is as follows:

R. VI. PART. V. NOV. CORVLI V. ET

The 6:5:5 formula for black powder does not correspond to very good material.
Nevertheless, such powder would be satisfactory for the filling of firecrackers such
as Bacon describes in another of his works. Guns were first used in Europe about
fifty years after his death, the optimum composition for gunpowder was sought out,
the 6:1:1 formula was soon chosen and for several centuries no great departure has
been made from it. At the present time all black powder for sporting or military purposes
approximates to the composition75 per cent saltpeter, 12.5 per cent charcoal, and
12.5 per cent sulfur.

Subject: ACADEMY: Alchemy and gunpowder
From: Mike Dickman
Date: 17 Sep 2005

The case for the Chinese invention of gunpowder is - as far as I know
as yet undisputed... To quote several sources:

(i) Robin D. S. Yates, Professor of History and East Asian Studies at
McGill University in Montreal, Quebec, Canada

Gunpowder completely transformed the way wars were waged and contributed
to the eventual establishment of might over right. In my own research, I have
been able to refute the common notion that the Chinese invented gunpowder
but only used it for fireworks. I'm sure that they discovered military uses for it.
I have found the earliest illustration of a cannon in the world, which dates
from the change-over from the Northern Song to the Southern Song around
1127, which was 150 years before the development of the cannon in the West.
The Song also used gunpowder to make fire lances - actually flame throwers
and many other gunpowder weapons, such as anti-personnel mines, which
are thankfully now being taken out of general use.
Needless to say, the cannon was used by the kings of Europe to fundamentally
alter the social structure of the European world. It enabled kings to destroy the
castles of the feudal lords. And it enabled, therefore, the centralized nation-state
to develop.
By the end of the Song Dynasty, the Chinese invented multiple-stage rockets.
If we hadn't had that, maybe we would not have been able to put a man on the
moon. It was that fundamental an idea. Joseph Needham, an historian of Chinese
science and technology, also argues that the notion of an explosion in a
self-contained cylinder also permitted the development of the internal
combustion engine and the steam engine. Our basic modes of transportation
would not have been possible without this Chinese invention.

NOVA: How did the Chinese invention of gunpowder move from East to West?

Yates: Although scholars often consider the Song Dynasty to have been very weak,
its use of gunpowder was the reason it was able to hold off the Mongols for many
decades. Eventually, the Mongols were able to capture Chinese artisans and use
the latest gunpowder technology against the Chinese. The Mongols used those
people who had a special knowledge of technology and employed them in their
own armies as engineers. They carried that technology to the West very rapidly
because it was very helpful in their conquests.

What was interesting with this transfer of technology is that it goes both ways.
After the introduction of the cannon and gunpowder to the West, Westerners
very quickly became expert with cannons. They cast bronze cannons that were
eventually much better than those the Chinese could produce. The Western
bronze cannon was then brought back to China by the Jesuits in the 16th and
17th centuries. The Ming Dynasty, which fought the Manchus, employed Jesuit
priests to cast cannons that were more advanced than the Chinese had at that time.

(ii) CHENGDU, Dec. 10 (Xinhuanet) -- Chinese archeologists have found a
large ancient saltpeter manufacturing base which they believe was used to
manufacture gunpowder over 1,000 years ago.
A team of archaeologists discovered last month a network of caves at the
Laojun Mountain in southwestern China's Sichuan Province. Xu Xiangdong,
leader of the expedition and former president of the Beijing Ancient Building
Museum, said the caves were used to manufacture saltpeter, one of the major
ingredients of gunpowder. In two caves, the remains of workshops and storage
pits were discovered, while in another cave the team found four work spaces,
each covering hundreds of square meters, along with several saltpeter pits,
and scattered fragments of chinaware.
Based on the finds, scientists estimated the ancient miners could have
extracted one kg of saltpeter from 100 kg of earth and the kitchens could have
fed 100 workers. The finds proved that the Laojun Mountain was the largest
base for saltpeter production, said the experts.
They speculated that the saltpeter, named "Chinese Snow" by foreigners, was
probably transported from here to Europe and west Asia via the road twisting
between Sichuan and Gansu provinces. Experts agreed that the large number
of halls in towns and cities around the area were used to trade saltpeter in
ancient times. Gunpowder is one of the four great inventions in ancient China
along with paper, printing and the compass. According to historic records,
ancient Chinese found that the mixture of saltpeter, sulfur and carbon was
explosive, which led to the invention of gunpowder sometime before the
Tang Dynasty (618-907). However, even today, the history of gunpowder
manufacturing still rests on fragments in the historic record. The manufacture
of saltpeter has remained a mystery to Chinese scientists, said Xu Xiangdong.
"We are so excited to find important material proofs regarding the invention
of gunpowder," said Luo Zhewen, head of the expert team under the State
Bureau of Cultural Relics.
If the Laojun Mountain proves to be the birthplace of gunpowder and the
largest exploitation base for saltpeter in history, it will be one of the most
significant archaeological discoveries both in China and the world,
Xu Xiangdong said.

With all due respect to Frank Bacon et al...

Mike Dickman

Subject: ACADEMY: Alchemy and gunpowder
From: Ahmad Y. al-Hassan
Date: 19 Sep 2005

Dear Adam,

I am writing to give further notes in addition to my earlier message.
I must apologize if my message is rather long due to the importance
of our topic.

It is established that the invention of the gunpowder took place in China.
But we are discussing here the development of its composition from a
low nitrate content into an explosive mixture where the ideal ratio of
the nitrate is 75%.

The two most authoritative scholarly works on gunpowder available to
us are written by two celebrated historians of science, Partington's
classic work A history of Greek Fire and Gunpowder, (John Hopkins'
University Press, 1999); and Joseph Needham's encyclopaedic work
Science and Civilization in China ( Vol. V:7, Military Technology and
the Gunpowder Epic, CUP, 1986). In addition to the fact that Needham
was an accomplished scientist and sinologist, this volume on gunpowder
was written by him with the collaboration of three eminent Chinese scholars:
Ho Peng -Yu ( Professor of Chinese in the University of Hong Kong),
Lu Gwei Djen (Fellow at Robinson College Cambridge, and a very close
collaborator of Needham), and Wang Ling (Professor at the Australian
National University - Canberra).

Partington gave extensive data on the composition of gunpowder from
European, Chinese and Arabic sources. His data does not show that the
explosive mixture was known in China before the fourteenth century.

Needham and his collaborators had compiled the development of the
composition of gunpowder from European, Chinese and Arabic sources.
They plotted the data in triangular graphs and the various results were scattered
inside the triangles around the theoretical composition. It was found that the
Chinese book Huo Ching Lung dated 1412 gave results clustering around
the theoretical value (Fig. 122, p. 346). The authors thought that these
compositions may go back to 50 years earlier or to about 1350. In other
words the explosive gunpowder mixture was probably known in China
not earlier than 1350.

Needham et al gave very exhaustive details about the development of
firearms in China. they gave accounts of the military encounters during the
fall of the northern Sung capital in 1126 and the encounters that took place
in 1127, 1130 1132 and later. According to Needham, no cannon was yet
known or used in these encounters, but only incendiary gunpowder arrows.

The first cannon in history using an explosive gunpowder was described in
an Arabic military manuscript written in the early decades of the fourteenth
century. Partington published the two illustrations of the manuscript
depicting this first cannon, and Needham had published one of them
(Needham, p. 259). According to the text of the manuscript this very early
cannon was used by the Arab army to frighten the Mongol cavalry at the battle
of Ayn Jalut in Palestine (1260), in which the Mongols were defeated in one
of the decisive battles of history.

The transfer of gunpowder technology to the West has another story. It is known
that between China in the Far East, and Europe in the far West the Arab lands
lie in between, extending from central Asia until Spain.

The manufacture of paper was transferred to the Arabs through Chinese
prisoners in Samarqand in 752, and from there it travelled westward
until it reached Muslim Spain and Sicily. It was transferred to Italy
in the mid-thirteenth century and then to other European countries. It took
five centuries until the manufacture of paper reached Europe after its first
introduction into Samarqand.

Gunpowder became first known to Europe through the Liber Ignium (about
1280-1300) attributed to a fictitious Marcus Graecus. It is believed by historians
of science that the Liber Ignium was based on Arabic material. But the practical
technology of gunpowder and cannon was transferred from Muslim Spain to
Christian Spain during the long constant wars that were taking place and which
culminated in the defeat of the Arabs and the surrender of Granada in 1492.

The Spanish historian Juan de Mariana (1536-1623) relates that the English Earl
of Derby and the Earl of Salisbury had both participated in the siege of Algeciras
(Al-Jazira) which lasted twenty months from 1342 to 1344. Richard Watson in
his book Chemical Essays (Volume 1, London 1793, p. 331) thinks that the two
earls had transferred the knowledge about cannon and gunpowder and their
use as effective firearms to England and that the English adopted this new
weapon and used it in the battle of Crecy in 1346.

A noted historian of arms, Ada Hoffmeyer, (Arms & Armour In Spain Vol.2)
says that use of gunpowder and cannon spread quickly in Spain. The Spanish
kings at the initial stages enlisted the help of Moorish experts. Hoffmeyer says:
"The first artillery-masters on the Peninsula probably were Moors in Christian
service. The king of Navarra had a Moor in his service in 1367 as maestro de
las guarniciones de artilleria. The Morisques of Tudela at that time had fame
for their capacity in reparaciones de artilleria.". ( Hoffmeyer. p. 220).

According to Kohler, Hoffmeyer and several others, the technology of
gunpowder and cannon passed from Spain to Italy to France and Germany.

In conclusion, I must mention that history of science and technology is not
an exact science, but it is not a popular one. There are different aspects to
some critical issues, and gunpowder is one of them. We should, however,
go back to original sources in our attempt to reveal the real story.

Ahmad Y. al-Hassan

Subject: ACADEMY: Alchemy and gunpowder
From: Jean-Yves Artero
Date: 19 Sep 2005

Perhaps worth knowing about this topic is this recent
book:

Gunpowder: Alchemy, Bombards, and Pyrotechnics : The
History of the Explosive That Changed the World - by
Jack Kelly... A tour through the turbulent history of
one of mankind's most critical inventions - the fiery
substance that transformed everything from fireworks
in China to warfare in Renaissance Europe & beyond.
Traces the development of 'devil's distillate' from
the tenth century and including key characters in its
story such as Michelangelo, Edward III and Guy
Fawkes... hardbound book with d/j; both very good
condition; book approx 6 1/2" x 9 1/2" x 260+ pgs; b/w
illustrations, drawings, etc.. sources, index.. Pub:
Perseus Books; NY; 2004..

Regards,

Jean

Subject: ACADEMY: Heavenly ascent in alchemical literature
From: Hereward Tilton
Date: 19 Sep 2005

Dear Adam,

I agree that the motif in the Lambspring text refers in part to distillation
processes in the vessel, rather than being some evidence of the author's
dabbling in angel magic.

Nevertheless, the heavenly ascent motif utilised here is very specific -
a journey through the gate/s of heaven with an angelic guide to behold
the throne of God. That's really quite a privilege, unless the throne's
owner had wandered off to puff on a cigar in His garden for a while.

My question is, where did the author of the text draw this motif from.

I'm only aware of this type of throne-viewing motif in Jewish literature
(Hekhalot texts, Talmud), where it has its origins in part in the visions
of Ezekiel. Do the Christian sources you mention utilise this specific motif?
Are there other Christian sources you know of which utilise it?

Whatever its provenance, it's interesting to me that the motif utilised by
Lambspring expresses not only the theme of heavenly ascent, but also the
old alchemical and religious theme of the angel imparting restricted
or forbidden knowledge (given the taboos in the Judaeo-Christian
tradition relating to viewing God or his throne - "none may look upon
His face and live!"). What do you think?

Hereward

Subject: ACADEMY: Heavenly ascent in alchemical literature
From: Adam McLean
Date: 22 Sep 2005

Dear Hereward,

> My question is, where did the author of the text draw this motif from.
>I'm only aware of this type of throne-viewing motif in Jewish literature
>(Hekhalot texts, Talmud), where it has its origins in part in the visions
>of Ezekiel. Do the Christian sources you mention utilise this specific motif?

Surely this imagery exists in contemporary Christian iconography.
There is the well known woodcut of Ezekiel's vision from the
16th Century Bear Bible. Durer's Apocalyse series of woodcuts explores
the throne of God symbolism. Seeing the Heavenly Throne of God was
surely a quite conventional idea in early modern Christian thought. Surely
we cannot doubt that the ideas in the Lambspring text are tinged with
Christianity.

I am not sure we have to invoke obscure Kabbalistic ideas that do not seem
to be current in that period. Later in the 17th century some of these ideas
were transmitted and explored. If the Lambspring were written in closing
decades of the 17th century we would have less of a problem in invoking
Kabbalistic sources, but it is probably about a century too early for our writer
to be quoting these ideas.

Perhaps I have some misunderstanding of the history of these ideas
during this period. I suspect we need to turn to someone more expert in
the penetration of esoteric Jewish ideas into Christian culture.

Adam McLean

Subject: ACADEMY: Heavenly ascent in alchemical literature
From: Hereward Tilton
Date: 22 Sep 2005

Dear Adam,

Actually, I think you're expert enough to settle the matter! I'm just
not very au fait with Christian iconography, that's all. I've taken a
look at a Durer woodcut of St. John viewing the throne of God, and
it seems to fit the bill well, even if there's no angelic guide.

http://www.conncoll.edu/is/info-resources/visual/images-big/10Durer.jpg

If the author of the Lambspring text was indeed associated with the
monastery of Lamspringe near Hildesheim then borrowing such
religious imagery would be quite natural, I suppose. I still wonder
if there are any other instances of throne-viewing motifs or general
heavenly journeys in the alchemical literature?

Hereward

Subject: ACADEMY: Heavenly ascent in alchemical literature
From: Adam McLean
Date: 22 Sep 2005

Hereward,

In the tradition of alchemical allegories, often a guide appears
to the hero of the allegory and leads him on a journey to explore
the mysteries of alchemy. One example immediately comes
to my mind, Bernard of Treviso's 'Green Dream'. This was
probably written in the 16th century and could have been known
to the creator of the Lambspring allegory. Here is the opening of
the version which was included in Ruland's 'Lexicon'.

"I was buried in a most profound slumber when it seemed that I
beheld a statue of about fifteen feet in height, representing a venerable
and ancient man, very handsome, and beautifully proportioned in all
the members of his body; he had long silver-coloured hair, falling in
waves upon his shoulders; his eyes were like fine turquoises, set with
carbuncles in the middle, and the radiation thereof was so brilliant that
I could not support the light. His lips were of gold, his teeth of Oriental
pearls, and the rest of his body was a most brilliant ruby. His left foot
rested on a terrestrial globe which seemed to support him. With his
right hand uplifted and outstretched, he seemed to be poising above
his head a celestial globe at the end of his finger; his left hand held
a key made of a rough diamond."

This man approached me, and said: I am the Genius of the Sages;
fear not to follow where I lead. Then, taking me by the hair with the
hand which held the key, he raised me up carried me away, and caused
me to traverse the three regions of the air, the fire, and the heaven
of all the planets."

This theme of the alchemical hero meeting a guide is quite common.
I suspect in Lambspring this has become conflated with the vision
of the heavenly throne. We should note that the image shown at this
point does not show a throne, but rather the guide and the Son
on top of a mountain. It is the text which carries the idea of the
throne. Also if we read the allegory as a whole, rather than just
focussing on this section we see that, surely, some kind of parallel
is being drawn here with the Father, Son and Holy Spirit. At the
conclusion the verse says "The Son ever remains in the Father,
And the Father in the Son... upon one throne they sit". To me this
seems to parallel purely Christian ideas. The 'angel' or winged guide
is in the final verse described as the 'Ancient Master'.

Is not the theme of the Lambspring an illustration of the various ways in
which peoples have depicted the philosophers' stone and work of alchemy?
The first ten verses present what the "sages say" about this. Each of these
depictions seems to stand alone and explores various polarised imagery,
citing ancient classical, pagan, Persian and even Indian sources for these.

When we come to look at verses eleven through fifteen we find a change.
We seem to be being presented with an extended narrative that must be read
across these five verses and emblems. This gist of this is that some alchemical
change is brought about in the three figures, Father, Son and Guide, or
body, soul and spirit. We follow this through the ascent of spirit and soul,
the return to the body, who eats the soul, sweats in his bed (the alchemical
vessel) and finally regurgitates the soul-Son in a reborn form. We could read
this final section as being a Christian one, that caps the earlier classical, and
other allegorical sources explored in verses 1 to 10. This final section
seems to me to be asking us as readers to parallel the alchemical process
with aspects of the Christian theology of the time.

Adam McLean

Subject: ACADEMY: Heavenly ascent in alchemical literature
From: Avyorth Rolinson
Date: 22 Sep 2005

Dear Adam and Hereward,

Your discussion of heavenly ascent and the motif of being lead before
the throne of god has raised a few points that I'd like to add to the mix,
as it were.

One of the most ancient motifs of being lead before the throne of god
(often by his son) is that found in the Egyptian pyramid/coffin texts
(the so-called 'Egyptian Books of the Dead).

Also, as far as I understand it, the process of mummification (intimately
tied up with the god usually to be found on the throne, ie Osiris)
apparently forms one of the roots of the alchemical process/procedure
of transformation. Images and descriptions of ascent to the throne of god
must surely have been known by the earliest proponents of alchemy in
Graeco-Roman Egypt.

I'm wondering whether there are any much earlier (ie than Lambspring)
alchemical images or descriptions of the 'ascent to the throne' motif that
might suggest a link with the Egyptian funerary rituals and beliefs?

Regards,

Avyorth

Subject: ACADEMY: Heavenly ascent in alchemical literature
From: José Rodríguez Guerrero
Date: 22 Sep 2005

>I still wonder if there are any other instances of throne-viewing motifs
>or general heavenly journeys in the alchemical literature?

Dear Hereward Tilton:

Some days ago I said Lambsprink could have compared the tincture
to a forester if he thought metals and minerals were common trees.
I suppose Lambsprink was based upon Janus Lacinio's introductory
commentary to the Pretiosa margarita novella because metals a
ppears as trees.

http://levity.com/alchemy/petrus_bonus.html

But you can find the throne-viewing motif it in the same commentary.
The tincture is a king who: "...exercises his power upon his servants
and his son, placing crowns of gold upon their heads, and making
them kings by his grace, since God had given him great power
and majesty".

It is very similar to Lambsprinck's concepts.
"I am a great and glorious King in the earth.
There is none greater than I,
Child either of the Artist or of Nature,
Among all living creatures.
I do all that man can desire,
[...]
Till I was set in a high place.
To reach this lofty summit
Was given me by God and Nature".

I attach the original picture.

Source: Pretiosa margarita novella de thesavro ac pretiosissimo
philosophorvm lapide, artis huius diuin typus, & methodus:
collectanea ex Arnaldo, Rhaymundo, Rhasi, Alberto, & Michaele
Scoto, per Ianum Lacinium Calabrum nunc primum, cum
lucupletissimo indice, in lucem aedita, apud Aldi filis (Venecia), 1546.

Subject: ACADEMY: Heavenly ascent in alchemical literature
From: Adam McLean
Date: 22 Sep 2005

Dear Avyorth,

I am not sure that the 'Egyptian Books of the Dead' and related
texts were in any form available to alchemical writers in 16th
century Europe. The main source for Egyptian ideas in this
period was surely the 'Hieroglyphics of Horapollo' which, while
based on some text from the Greco-Roman period, was published
in Europe within a wrapping of Florentine humanism. Thus these
'hieroglyphics' were given the spin of moral emblems, reflecting the
concerns and ideas of 16th century Europe rather than any
direct link to Egyptian ideas, or their funerary rituals and beliefs.

Exploring the proper context for alchemical texts is very problematic,
especially because of the dropping of almost all scholarly standards
in the popular writings of the late 20th century. These jumble everything
into one big mess and make it very difficult for us now to see clearly
into how a 16th century alchemical writer viewed the world, and
what ideas he was influenced by. One cannot trust 20th century
popular authors with the history of ideas - they just get things
so wrong.

When we look at the Greco-Egyptian alchemical writings we find many
interesting allegories, seemingly similar to that which we find in say the
Lambspring. Such as the allegories in Zosimos about Ion, the priest of the
sanctuary or the Book of Crates (which begins with the alchemical hero
being taken up in the air and then placed under the guidance of an old man).
It would be very neat for us to be able to say that 16th century alchemical
writers were drawing on these texts for inspiration, but it does not appear
that such works were available to people at that time. Indeed it is only
in the 19th century that these works were translated out of a few
manuscript sources. Similarly with the 'Egyptian books of the Dead'.
As far as I understand, this material had to wait till the late 18th and 19th
centuries to be made accessible. There was some publishing about
Egypt in the 16th and 17th centuries, but these were entirely seen through
the mindset of the time. Consider Athanasius Kircher's great volumes - are
they about ancient Egyptian ideas or about the way in which this Jesuit
scholar viewed these images and ideas by projecting his own Christian
preconceptions upon them ?

It would be good to be able to say that such ideas from the distant past
influenced people in the 16th and 17th centuries, but regrettably it is
in many cases just not supported by the facts. I would love not to be
drawn into conflict with my Jungian and esoteric colleagues about such
things, but I am regrettably taken with the notion that one must see
things in their proper context. We may now live in an world in which writings
from and about all times, all ideas, all traditions are accessible in libraries
or through Amazon.com. This was not the case for people in the 16th and
17th centuries. One has to see what they were able to read and have
access to, in order to understand their writings in context.

In this case, I wonder if knowledge of Egyptian funerary rituals actually
informed 16th century alchemy. Consider, for example, the use of 'mummy'
in Paracelsist medicine. Does this have any relationship to Egyptian
funerary rituals at all ?

Adam McLean

Subject: ACADEMY: Heavenly ascent in alchemical literature
From: Daniel Burnham
Date: 22 Sep 2005

Dear Adam,

> In this case, I wonder if knowledge of Egyptian funerary rituals actually
> informed 16th century alchemy. Consider, for example, the use of 'mummy'
> in Paracelsist medicine. Does this have any relationship to Egyptian
> funerary rituals at all ?

I do believe that 16th century alchemy (and all alchemy) was indirectly
informed by Egyptian funerary literature.

Please see my article in the journal 'Discussions in Egyptology' (#60)
entitled 'Explorations Into the Alchemical Idiom of the Pyramid Texts'.
The Pyramid Texts are the oldest corpus of Egyptian funerary literature.
The Coffin Texts, Books of Amduat, and later 'Books of the Dead' all seem
to stem from the earlier Pyramid Texts. Within the PT's there are several
types of texts. I argue that the genre of texts commonly known as 'spells
against serpents' are really the prototype of the alchemical work. There
is a lot more work on this currently in preparation.

There is quite a large body of Egyptological literature that addresses the
origins of alchemy in ancient Egypt. For example, Alison Roberts draws
a direct comparison between Splendor Solis and Egyptian myths and funerary
literature in 'My Heart My Mother: Death and Rebirth in Ancient Egypt'.
As you say, exploring the proper context for alchemical texts is problematic
(a bit of an understatement in my opinion!). However, I do think we will
see a very different appraisal of the origins of alchemy over the next 20 or 30
years.

Daniel Burnham

Subject: ACADEMY: Heavenly ascent in alchemical literature
From: Adam McLean
Date: 22 Sep 2005

Dear Daniel Burnham,

>I do believe that 16th century alchemy (and all alchemy) was indirectly
>informed by Egyptian funerary literature.

I have not seen your article and regrettably there is no copy of the
'Discussions in Egyptology' Journal in Glasgow. It will have to wait
till I am next in Edinburgh.

I must say I find it difficult to accept that 16th century alchemy
and all alchemy is substantially inspired by the Egyptian Pyramid
texts. Perhaps I misunderstand you. Are you saying that alchemy
at this period drew on material from Egyptian Pyramid texts ?
What exactly do you mean by "indirectly informed" ? That seems
a rather too vague idea. Perhaps you explain it all in your article.
This seems so unlikely to me, as I cannot remember any records or
manuscripts which documents such a connection. If one is arguing
a case based on the similarity of ideas, I think that is much less
convincing. One can make almost any case based on the similarities
of ideas, as there is no coherent way to critique such
arguments. Making links through similarity of ideas is fraught
with dangers. It is not similarity of ideas that is important, it
is the existence a route or mode of transmission. Such a route
must leave its mark, its trace in the historical record, that we can
see and research.

>Alison Roberts draws a direct comparison between Splendor Solis
>and Egyptian myths and funerary literature

I must say that I find that rather also difficult to accept. I will get
hold of a copy of her book and see what she is saying. I cannot
find any Egyptian symbolism in the 'Splendor Solis'. The work
does quote a great amount from the 'Turba Philosophorum' but that
is hardly an Egyptian source. The iconography of the 22 painted
leaves does not shout (or even whisper) the word "Egyptian" to me.
There cannot be a direct link between the 'Splendor solis' and
Egyptian funerary literature, because that would be obvious, and
scholars would have already noticed and commented on that.
Again we must ask what is the mechanism, the route, for such an
Egyptian influence on the 'Splendor solis'. We can instead see and trace
all too clearly, the influences of Flemish painting, and of the emblematic
imagery from 15th and 16th century woodcuts, on the 'Splendor solis'.
We do not see direct Egyptian influences.

Adam McLean

Subject: ACADEMY: Heavenly ascent in alchemical literature
From: Daniel Burnham
Date: 22 Sep 2005

Dear Adam,

> I have not seen your article and regrettably there is no copy of the
> 'Discussions in Egyptology' Journal in Glasgow. It will have to wait
> till I am next in Edinburgh.

I believe that Edmund Meltzer also has a few articles on alchemy in
earlier editions of DE. Terrence DuQuesne is another Egyptologist
who has written about alchemy.

> I must say I find it difficult to accept that 16th century alchemy
> and all alchemy is substantially inspired by the Egyptian Pyramid
> texts. Perhaps I misunderstand you. Are you saying that alchemy
> at this period drew on material from Egyptian Pyramid texts ?

No, the Pyramid Texts were (re)discovered relatively recently and could
not directly inform 16th century alchemy. The Pyramid Texts are religous
texts. It is the religious ideas (and particular idiom used to express
those ideas) that I believe must have influenced Graeco-Egyptian alchemists.

> This seems so unlikely to me, as I cannot remember any records or
> manuscripts which documents such a connection. If one is arguing....
>.... the existence a route or mode of transmission. Such a route
> must leave its mark, its trace in the historical record, that we can
> see and research.

Jack Lindsay's book, The Origins of Alchemy in Graeco-Roman Egypt, discusses
these routes of transmission at length. When Zosimos makes a statement
like "At the eastern entry of Isis' temple you'll see characters
dealing with the white substance..." (Lindsay p. 202) do you think
he truly believes what he is saying? Egyptian temples were certainly
in operation at the time of Zosimos. He seems to think alchemical
knowledge is somehow related to the Egyptian priesthood. Should
we automatically assume he is adding fictional elements to provide an air
of importance to his text?

All I am doing is providing an interpretation of a text using alchemical
idiom to explain the particular use of symbolic devices. Any interpretation
is inherently subjective. I have read some of your interpretations
in your Magnum Opus series and often disagree with them, but that is OK.
I still think there is great value in providing those interpretations.
Please also understand that I have studied the text that I interpret
for more than 5 years before publishing my initial comments, with much
more detail forthcoming.

>Alison Roberts draws a direct comparison between Splendor Solis
>and Egyptian myths and funerary literature...
>...imagery from 15th and 16th century woodcuts, on the 'Splendor solis'.
>We do not see direct Egyptian influences.

I should not have used the word direct. It is a comparison of ideas
that I'm sure you would say is 'fraught with danger'. Perhaps so,
but highly valuable to me none the less.

Daniel Burnham

Subject: ACADEMY: Heavenly ascent in alchemical literature
From: Adam McLean
Date: 22 Sep 2005

Dear Daniel Burnham ,

>It is the religious ideas (and particular idiom used to express ideas)
>that I believe must have influenced Graeco-Egyptian alchemists.

I don't think many people would doubt such influences on
the Graeco-Egyptian alchemists. What I was questioning
was whether this had any input into 16th century alchemy. After
all, the writings of Zosimos were not circulating then. They were
locked up in Greek manuscripts and these texts only became
available in modern times. If writings such as the allegory of
the Priest Ion had been available to 16th century alchemists, I am
sure they would have circulated this in manuscript and it might
even have been printed. As far as I know these texts and their ideas
were not available at that time, and thus the alchemical tradition
of the 16th century was not informed by these ideas. Perhaps
some trace of this might turn up through the discovery of some
manuscript, but at the moment, as far as I am aware, Zosimos is
just not a part of the context within which alchemical writers, such
as the author of the Lambspring book, lived. The same is probably
true for Hekhalot mysticism, which was the starting point for this
discussion !

Jose Rodriguez made an interesting summary about Zosimos'
Visions in 15th and 16 centuries on the alchemy academy in
October 2003. See the archives for details

http://www.levity.com/alchemy/a-archive_oct03.html

Adam McLean

Subject: ACADEMY: Alchemy and gunpowder
From: Adam McLean
Date: 23 Sep 2005

Dear Ahmad Y. al-Hassan,

Thanks you for your detailed reply about the gunpowder question.

Can I ask you what you make of the Roger Bacon extract that
I quoted from the Tenney Davis article ?

Does this section not suggest the corning process?

"Accipiatis igitur de ossibus Adae, & de calce sub eodem pondere,
& sunt sex ad petralem (in some versions this reads ad lapidem
Tagi, but in either case is signified. All versions agree on the
six-five ratio.), & - quinque ad lapidem , & terantur simul cum
aqua vitae; deinde ponatur in eadem aqua loco , aut
suspendatur in vapore aquarum valde calidarum, & liquidarum;
deinde ad Solem."

"Then of the bones of Adam and of the Calx, the same weight of each;
and are six of the Petral Stone and five of the Stone of Union.
Let them be ground together with aqua vitae. Then it is placed
in the same water in a moist place suspended in the vapor of hot
water or some other liquid, and finally it is congealed the sun."

This seems to describe moistening the mixture then drying it
in the sun to form cakes which presumably could be ground to form
the explosive powder, rather than the slower burning form.

Adam McLean

Subject: ACADEMY: Heavenly ascent in alchemical literature
From: Avyorth Rolinson
Date: 23 Sep 2005

> I am not sure that the 'Egyptian Books of the Dead' and related
> texts were in any form available to alchemical writers in 16th
> century Europe. The main source for Egyptian ideas in this
> period was surely the 'Hieroglyphics of Horapollo'

Thanks for your reply, Adam. I am in agreement with you that there is
probably no *direct* link between 16th c European alchemy and Egyptian
funerary texts and rituals. As you point out, the use and meaning of
hieroglyphics had been lost centuries beforehand and had to await
Champollion for their rediscovery. Yet Champollion's key to interpreting
hieroglyphics, the Rosetta Stone, shows that there was a period when
hieroglyphics, hieratic and Greek were all contemporary languages
thereby facilitating the transferring of Egyptian religious (including
eschatological) ideas to the Greek world.

The influence of Egyptian culture, especially its religion (and that
must include the funerary rituals based upon the pyramid/coffin texts)
upon Greek and then Roman cultures is more than well documented.
Later the Arab/Muslim empire swept through Egypt on its journey
through North Africa and then into southern Europe. This empire was,
I understand, the means whereby many Pythagorean-Platonic ideas
were (re-)introduced into Christian Europe. Many, many other ideas
from the cultural 'crucible' that Egypt had become must likewise have
been transmitted to Europe. Kabbalah, with its ten 'spheres',
four 'worlds', number mysticism (gematria) and so on, is obviously
Pythagorean-Platonic philosophy with a veneer of Judaism.

So, it may possibly be that the immediate source of "the heavenly
ascent motif .... - a journey through the gate/s of heaven with an angelic
guide to behold the throne of God" was Kabbalistic - although you
raise the issue of Lambspring's date being possibly too early for this.
But I still hold it more than possible that its origin may well lie in
Egyptian eschatology as given in the pyramid/coffin texts.

Regards,
Avyorth

Subject: ACADEMY: Fludd in reprint ?
From: Adam McLean
Date: 23 Sep 2005

Has anyone seen the Frommann-Holsboog Verlag facsimile
reprint of the Robert Fludd's Utriusque cosmi historia ?

Was it ever issued or is it eternally 'In Vorbereitung' ?

Adam McLean

Subject: ACADEMY: Alchemy and gunpowder
From: Ahmad Y. al-Hassan
Date: 24 Sep 2005

Dear Adam,

The 1928 article of Tenney L. Davis was based on his translation of
Roger Bacon's Epistola de secretis operibus artis et naturae et de nutillae
magiae which was published under the title ; Roger Bacon's Letter
Concerning the Marvellous Power of Art and of Nature and Concerning
the Nullity of Magic ( Easton, PA. The Chemical Publishing Co. 1923).

The paragraph in question occurs in Chapter 11 and the text is the same
as indicated in your message.

The corning process entails mixing the ingredients in the right proportion
and grinding them very finely so that the finest particle of the mixture
contains the correct proportion of nitrate,sulphur and charcoal. Liquid
(such as water, aqua vitae, vinegar, wine or urine) is added to turn the
mixture into a paste which is dried and then crushed.

From this short description we see that Roger Bacon's passage describes
a corning process as you have suggested. But the corning of a powder
does not turn it into an explosive one. You can have a weak corned
gunpowder and an explosive one. It is the correct percentage of
nitrate that is crucial.

Ahmad Y. al-Hassan

Subject: ACADEMY: Alchemy event in Spain (Madrid) November, 2005
From: Jean-Yves Artero
Date: 29 Sep 2005

Dear Academy,

UCM Madrid is holding a series of activities related to
alchemy in November, 2005.

Please find here attached an overview of the program.

Madrid.pdf

Regards,

Jean